Abstract

This article assesses the relation between formal gender and grammatical number. It is claimed that both gender and number are the exponents of interpretable features in functional projections of nominals. It is also shown that number can only be expressed in categories that are assigned a formal gender or class. A strong version of the Uniformity hypothesis is adopted by suggesting that nominal constructions not only should conform to a universal hierarchical structure but the locus where their grammatical features are interpreted should be invariant.